Richard Ingersoll:


Let me preface my response to the first interventions by identifying my expertise as architectural history. I devote more attention to the form of cities than to the social or political analysis of them.
Despite my obvious handicap I'd like to try to react to the positions taken by Christine Boyer, Saskia Sassen, and Tom Angotti :by drawing on my limited experience in Latin America (confined to the cities of Monterrey, Guadalajara, and Mexico City in Mexico, and Caracas, Venezuela).

As CB states the easy distinctions between center/periphery, north/south, (and we should add first world/third world) no longer correspond to an empirical knowledge of cities. They are probably cultural concepts inherited from the imperialist episteme.

In Monterrey or Guadalajara one finds the same degree of suburbanization of both the center and the edge that one expects from US cities. In most US cities one finds areas of the type of underdevelopment that used to characterize ex-colonial cities--so whatever the Third World used to mean it is now a more genrealized condition (the difference is now a question of scale rather than type).

TA's observation that Latin American cities are judged to be overcrowded stems from the same problem of who is in control of the tools of perception. Mexico City, for example, soon to be the world's largest city, has many egregious environmental problems due to overpopulation, but appears to me to be the smallest big city in the world, that is it has the most intimate neighborhoods and spaces of community, which are reinforced by its transportation networks and things like traditional outdoor markets..

For those who still believe in political solutions to urban problems, the postmodern blurring of categories presents indeed a nasty problem since it becomes increasingly difficult to locate the sources of accountability. Where one used to be able to blame a corporation (like GM for the destruction of public transportation), or a country (like the US for the destabilization of Allende's Chile), or even an individual (like Nixon for the invasion of Cambodia) the path to responsability has been cloaked by various levels of telematic distance. The Gulf War was a painful example. Economic globalization and the information revolution have to a certain extent difused responsability, not in the interests of peace, but for the logical process of letting elites accumulate relatively anonymously, independent of local circumstances.

Uneven development and horrific human exploitation continue in an ever less regulated manner, a fact that registers on the form of most cities. Skyscrapers in Caracas, such as the twin 60 storey Parque Central, planned by the government as a symbol of the commitment to advanced services have an excellent view to the thousands of shanties on the hills, much more picturesque but built without roads or services and usually encouraging lives of utter precariousness.

Skyscrapers in downtown Houston look onto vast parking lots (about a third of the downtown blocks are either parking lots or parking garages); the once thriving diversity of urban life has been almost completely exterminated.

This formal result of great symbols of capital with ever less governable spaces between corresponds to SS's analysis of globalization.

What surprises me, considering the visible class division in the city, corroborated by statistics about the shrinking middle class in most countries, is that there does not seem to be much evidence of new urban social movements (for instance the uprising in Chiapas, arguably the most successful social movement in the last decade, is not urban.) Instead I notice a widening range of anarchy. Events like the South Central riots in L.A., and the rise of all sorts of predation in most cities. Enclaving, which is as prevalent in Los Angeles and Houston as it is in Monterrey and Caracas, is in my mind the most significant trend in recent urbanism and the direct response to anarchy. It of course means the closing of the city, a refeudalization, the limiting of access, the end of a possible polis.

Many people in architecture believe that virtual architecture is already in practice--and thus the obsolescence of space and form as quantifiable or aesthetic entities. At least they talk like this has already happened. I fail to feel any enthusiasm for anything that promises me to have less bodily contact with the world, but am forced to recognize how despatialized all relationships are becoming in spite of my desires. To me the Internet seems just another insidious way to say one thing like hyper-democracy while doing another, like limiting access. Infocrats will be exploiting cyberproles in the jacked-in planet. Information society has the pretense of anarchical multiplicity with the friendly face of new tycoons like Bill Gates sitting at the "window", raking in the power.

As the techniques will not fail (cyber-Luddites not withstanding), access to the virtual realm will become the major political issue of the end of the decade, and perhaps the real city will become less of a political territory.

I am reminded of Victor Hugo's parable "This will kill that; the book will kill the building" in which he describes a dizzying escalation of books assembled into a cataclysmic Tower of Babel.

The unification of language through globalized digital information is a new method of building that Tower. The computer in this regards will kill the city, and with it the idea of the polis. I hate to even think of it, but there will come a time when those who are interested in preserving the idea of democracy will struggle not just for fair housing, healthcare, and transportation, but public jacks.

So with this overly paranoid response I would conclude that while urbanization is increasing incrementally, the despatializing model invented in the US is being repeated everywhere with minor variations (for instance in Caracas highrise housing often takes the place of the lowrise enclave).

Any social movement that would like to defend democratic rights will eventually probably have to launch its struggle through the sort of telematics we are using in this conference in order to address power. But I have so many questions about the ensuing change of consciousness that this technology implies. Without bodies in space one cannot imagine the human predicament which is the essence of that historic struggle for rights.




ÿ