Susana Torre:


The wave of urban development experienced in Latin America during the 1980's was driven by the global economy.
The capital cities of many countries experienced considerable transformation of their historical centers and their urban fabric as a result of new construction originating in international investments on buildings for the banking industry, tourism and shopping.

In Buenos Aires, Bogota and other cities, a questionable preservation of historic buildings was achieved only in those cases where the shell of the building could impart local color or a higher status to the new program.
These new developments, which imitated styles, building typologies and spatial configurations originated in the US, have marked the center of Latin American cities, as well as other coastal or mountainous tourist destinations, as locations within the homogenizing web of global economic processes.

There have been few instances where local designers were hired to implement projects and even fewer where they were able to successfully transform the imported model to prevent it from destroying local urban quality.
One such example is a major shopping mall in the city of Cordoba, Argentina, whose architects succeeded in getting the city to reject the American suburban pattern of "big box" retail surrounded by parking, and created a building with parking on its roof that is well integrated with its surroundings and has small stores opening into the commercial street. This intelligent and successful act of cultural resistance, however, has not enjoyed wide dissemination and thus has not been more widely influential.

I think that Christine Boyer is right in pointing out the inadequacy of 1970's categories such as center/periphery and North/South in the analysis of urban development and cultural production in Latin America, because economic globalization creates "centers" and "peripheries" that are now globally distributed.

Camilo Jos~ Vergara's photographic documentation of so-called "Third World" enclaves in cities like New York, Chicago , Detroit and Los Angeles makes a forceful case for this argument.

Electronic technologies, as both Tom Angotti and Saskia Sassen point out, have fostered economic globalization and the globalization of local elites in Latin American countries.
One characteristic of the Internet , however, is its lack of physical location and thus its ability, as a site for the production and exchange of information, to connect locally disadvantaged individuals and groups with similar individuals and groups world-wide, thus exponentially increasing the opportunities for global strategies for cultural and (perhaps) economic resistance.

The question, as always, will be one of access and control. Can the technology itself generate American suburban-style dispersion in Latin American countries? This is doubtful in the short run, given the great economic polarization and wide-spread poverty in the region. More likely, the technological facilitation of global capital might produce further development opportunities in interior locations not currently under the influence of the large urban centers, and in time result in a pattern closer in structure and form to American and European metropolitan centers.




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