My first remarks emphasized distinctions between North and South,
and center and periphery to dramatize the significance of urban
inequalities. I agree with others that these categories are no
longer adequate (actually they never were) to fully understand
the reality in the Americas.
But I don't think a that the categories are
entirely irrelevant . What the North South
dichotomy fails to explain are the growing gaps within the North
and the growing gaps within the South.
At the level of individual metropolitan regions, there remains in
the U.S. a very clear and definable gap between central cities
and suburbs, despite some recent counter trends. The divide is
economic and racial (race is another real dichotomy; the Rainbow
notwithstanding, "Race Matters" , as we saw in the OJ trial ).
The
central city/suburban divide is not as clearly defined in Latin
American cities; the centers and peripheries of many metropolitan
areas include high income enclaves as well as low income barrios .
But who can deny the enormous economic gulf between elite
enclaves and barrios , no matter where they're located? I found the analysis by Saskia Sassen/Arturo Sanchez on primacy
very helpful in explaining the question of urban inequalities.
They use the term primacy in a broad sense to indicate a
structural imbalance in the development and distribution of
economic resources and population. Important is their observation
that Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, for example, are becoming
inserted in the new international division of labor in a
different way than other countries. A fuller discussion of the
diverse modes of insertion in the global system is necessary for
a fuller understanding of urban inequalities.
I believe Richard Ingersoll's concerns about the "obsolescence of
space and form" are well grounded. Privatization of public spaces
and the advance of cyberspace together may destroy whatever remains of the polis. But I feel he is much too pessimistic. We
also need to look at the very real constraints on the "enclaving"
process and on cyberspace. There are many indications that these
processes are not well advanced. Against the dominant trend,
large public demonstrations still take place in Mexico City's
central plaza. Hundreds of thousands turned out for Lula in
Brazil. Popular organizations in El Salvador recently won back
public places they had lost during the decade long war.
As illustrated most recently by the downfall of South African
apartheid, throughout history labor has proven capable of
transforming enclave systems, sooner or later, into more open
systems.
The "enclaving" process is constrained not only by the political
actions of labor but also by the needs of expanding capitalist
production and circulation. Elites have not yet found a way to
completely isolate themselves physically from labor, either in
the realm of production or consumption. Indeed, how could they?
Elite enclaves are built and maintained by labor, and their
products are consumed by labor. Capitalists who dream of a world
without labor would deprive themselves of the one element needed
for their own reproduction.
The reality in Latin America is that the vast majority of people
are only marginally affected by the information age in their daily lives. If you live in a barriada in Lima, you may have a TV
and radio, and even an intermittently operat ing phone line. But
chances are you're as far away from the Internet as you are from
Jupiter. And what does privatizing space mean in a neighborhood
where land has practically no value on the market? Also, thereare a lot of public (used by the public, and not necessarily government owned) spaces in the barriadas , as compared to the
privatized luxury enclaves in Miraflores. The thousands of
barriada residents who have fought pitched battles against
displacement know very well the meaning of place.
In sum, while it often appears quite gloomy when looking at the
current global situation, there is a long way to go before the
placeless, privatized American dream becomes a global reality.
History isn't made until it's made.
By any objective measure
per capita income, availability of basic urban services, personal
security, unemployment, etc. the gap between the U.S. and
Canada on the one hand, and every single Latin American nation,
without exception, on the other, is yawning.
The economic giants in the
South Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela are far out
ahead of most of the Central American and Andean nations. They
are also the most urbanized nations in the region. And within
these four leading nations, the rural urban, intra regional and
intra metropolitan gaps are growing. So while reality can't
simply be split in two, it is fractured into many contradictions
which together make up a disarticulated and unequal urban/social
system.
If the
U.S. model of social and spatial segregation through sprawl takes
hold, the spatial pattern may change. But that really doesn't
matter much; it's the unequal social pattern that's the basic
problem , regardless of what spatial form it takes .